LaxPower Back-Up Stick

old salt wrote: ↑Sun Jun 27, 2021 6:46 pm

MDlaxfan76 wrote: ↑Sun Jun 27, 2021 6:40 pm

old salt wrote: ↑Sun Jun 27, 2021 6:29 pm

MDlaxfan76 wrote: ↑Sun Jun 27, 2021 3:53 pmcradle, are you telling us that you think Milley is less worthy of respect than Salty?

Stop creating false choices. It is dishonest.

I've supported Milley down the line on this forum on tough decisions & on superficial issues, like when he was criticized for wearing fatigues to visit the NG troops in the battle of Laf park. He then got sucked into tagging along on Trump's stroll to the church. For that, he had to make a public apology. It was humiliating to see him pander then, especially in light of Jan 6 when he was criticized for not having the NG deployed in time to make a difference.

Given his position, the CJCS should not publicly speak out on "white rage" unless he feels it is a problem in the services, provides evidence to support that assertion, & tells us what he is doing to address it.
Likewise, when the Service Chiefs put a book on their reading list, that is an endorsement of that content which service members are expected to read & absorb.

In the issue of mandatory training for military personnel, the " intellectual diversity" excuse is a dodge for pandering.

"dishonest"???

I was speaking to cradle, Salty.
He seems to think you're worthy of respect for your service, but not Milley.
I think you both are.

That said, you have repeatedly failed to denounce Carlson.
Why is that so hard for you?

"pig", "stupid", "obsequious"....have you watched him spew this yet?
Still no denouncement?

I do get that you're going to see any and all issues through your lens.
Like millions of others fearful of progress.
TLD would say your mask slipped a long time ago.

But, man, you really can't denounce Carlson?
Come on, you can do it.

I'm not going to discuss Carlson because it is white noise & a diversion

Stop trying to tar anyone who has an honest, respectful difference of opinion with Gen Milley on this issue.

I'm concerned that he would raise the issue of "white rage" & want to see evidence of it's existence within the ranks.

Did MD or Disslax ever criticize General Flynn? Didn’t he serve? Hmmmmm.

I don't recall all this support for Gen Milley after Jan 6th when he pointed out that the NG were not first responders & praised their rapid response.

Peter Brown wrote: ↑Sun Jun 27, 2021 6:57 pmDid MD or Disslax ever criticize General Flynn? Didn’t he serve? Hmmmmm.

EXACT1Y!!!!!!! HMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMM!

old salt wrote: ↑Sun Jun 27, 2021 8:21 pm I don't recall all this support for Gen Milley after Jan 6th when he pointed out that the NG were not first responders & praised their rapid response.

Support?
One can critique Milley for various reasons; the question is whether one is willing to denounce a-holes like Carlson.
You're not willing to do so.

Got it.

MDlaxfan76 wrote: ↑Sun Jun 27, 2021 9:12 pm

old salt wrote: ↑Sun Jun 27, 2021 8:21 pm I don't recall all this support for Gen Milley after Jan 6th when he pointed out that the NG were not first responders & praised their rapid response.

Support?
One can critique Milley for various reasons; the question is whether one is willing to denounce a-holes like Carlson.
You're not willing to do so.

Got it.

A definition of White Rage from the professor who coined the term :
https://www.vox.com/22243875/white-rage ... ationalism
“White rage is the operational function of white supremacy. It is the fear of a multicultural democracy. It is predicated on a sense that only whites are legitimate Americans,”

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions ... story.html

Ferguson isn’t about black rage against cops. It’s white rage against progress.

By Carol AndersonAugust 29, 2014
Carol Anderson is an associate professor of African American studies and history at Emory University and a public voices fellow with the Op-Ed Project. She is the author of “Bourgeois Radicals: The NAACP and the Struggle for Colonial Liberation, 1941-1960.”

When we look back on what happened in Ferguson, Mo., during the summer of 2014, it will be easy to think of it as yet one more episode of black rage ignited by yet another police killing of an unarmed African American male. But that has it precisely backward. What we’ve actually seen is the latest outbreak of white rage. Sure, it is cloaked in the niceties of law and order, but it is rage nonetheless.

Protests and looting naturally capture attention. But the real rage smolders in meetings where officials redraw precincts to dilute African American voting strength or seek to slash the government payrolls that have long served as sources of black employment. It goes virtually unnoticed, however, because white rage doesn’t have to take to the streets and face rubber bullets to be heard. Instead, white rage carries an aura of respectability and has access to the courts, police, legislatures and governors, who cast its efforts as noble, though they are actually driven by the most ignoble motivations.

White rage recurs in American history. It exploded after the Civil War, erupted again to undermine the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision and took on its latest incarnation with Barack Obama’s ascent to the White House. For every action of African American advancement, there’s a reaction, a backlash.

The North’s victory in the Civil War did not bring peace. Instead, emancipation brought white resentment that the good ol’ days of black subjugation were over. Legislatures throughout the South scrambled to reinscribe white supremacy and restore the aura of legitimacy that the anti-slavery campaign had tarnished. Lawmakers in several states created the Black Codes, which effectively criminalized blackness, sanctioned forced labor and undermined every tenet of democracy. Even the federal authorities’ promise of 40 acres — land seized from traitors who had tried to destroy the United States of America — crumbled like dust.

Influential white legislators such as Rep. Thaddeus Stevens (R-Pa.) and Sen. Charles Sumner (R-Mass.)tried to make this nation live its creed, but they were no match for the swelling resentment that neutralized the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments, and welcomed the Supreme Court’s 1876 United States vs. Cruikshank decision, which undercut a law aimed at stopping the terror of the Ku Klux Klan.

Nearly 80years later, Brown v. Board of Education seemed like another moment of triumph — with the ruling on the unconstitutionality of separate public schools for black and white students affirming African Americans’ rights as citizens. But black children, hungry for quality education, ran headlong into more white rage. Bricks and mobs at school doors were only the most obvious signs. In March 1956, 101members of Congress issued the Southern Manifesto, declaring war on the Brown decision. Governors in Virginia, Arkansas, Alabama, Georgia and elsewhere then launched “massive resistance.” They created a legal doctrine, interposition, that supposedly nullified any federal law or court decision with which a state disagreed. They passed legislation to withhold public funding from any school that abided by Brown. They shut down public school systems and used tax dollars to ensure that whites could continue their education at racially exclusive private academies. Black children were left to rot with no viable option.

A little more than half a century after Brown, the election of Obama gave hope to the country and the world that a new racial climate had emerged in America, or that it would. But such audacious hopes would be short-lived. A rash of voter-suppression legislation, a series of unfathomable Supreme Court decisions, the rise of stand-your-ground laws and continuing police brutality make clear that Obama’s election and reelection have unleashed yet another wave of fear and anger.

It’s more subtle — less overtly racist — than in 1865 or even 1954. It’s a remake of the Southern Strategy, crafted in the wake of the civil rights movement to exploit white resentment against African Americans, and deployed with precision by Presidents Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan. As Reagan’s key political strategist, Lee Atwater, explained in a 1981 interview: “You start out in 1954 by saying, ‘N-----, n-----, n-----.’ By 1968 you can’t say ‘n-----’ — that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like ‘forced busing,’ ‘states’ rights’ and all that stuff. You’re getting so abstract now you’re talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you’re talking about are totally economic things, and a byproduct of them is blacks get hurt worse than whites. And subconsciously maybe that is part of it. I’m not saying that.” (The interview was originally published anonymously, and only years later did it emerge that Atwater was the subject.)

Now, under the guise of protecting the sanctity of the ballot box, conservatives have devised measures — such as photo ID requirements — to block African Americans’ access to the polls. A joint report by the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund and the NAACP emphasized that the ID requirements would adversely affect more than 6 million African American voters. (Twenty-five percent of black Americans lack a government-issued photo ID, the report noted, compared with only 8 percent of white Americans.) The Supreme Court sanctioned this discrimination in Shelby County v. Holder , which gutted the Voting Rights Act and opened the door to 21st-century versions of 19th-century literacy tests and poll taxes.

The economic devastation of the Great Recession also shows African Americans under siege. The foreclosure crisis hit black Americans harder than any other group in the United States. A 2013report by researchers at Brandeis University calculated that “half the collective wealth of African-American families was stripped away during the Great Recession,” in large part because of the impact on home equity. In the process, the wealth gap between blacks and whites grew: Right before the recession, white Americans had four times more wealth than black Americans, on average; by 2010, the gap had increased to six times. This was a targeted hit. Communities of color were far more likely to have riskier, higher-interest-rate loans than white communities, with good credit scores often making no difference.

Add to this the tea party movement’s assault on so-called Big Government, which despite the sanitized language of fiscal responsibility constitutes an attack on African American jobs. Public-sector employment, where there is less discrimination in hiring and pay, has traditionally been an important venue for creating a black middle class.

So when you think of Ferguson, don’t just think of black resentment at a criminal justice system that allows a white police officer to put six bullets into an unarmed black teen. Consider the economic dislocation of black America. Remember a Florida judge instructing a jury to focus only on the moment when George Zimmerman and Trayvon Martin interacted, thus transforming a 17-year-old, unarmed kid into a big, scary black guy, while the grown man who stalked him through the neighborhood with a loaded gun becomes a victim. Remember the assault on the Voting Rights Act. Look at Connick v. Thompson, a partisan 5-4 Supreme Court decision in 2011 that ruled it was legal for a city prosecutor’s staff to hide evidence that exonerated a black man who was rotting on death row for 14years. And think of a recent study by Stanford University psychology researchers concluding that, when white people were told that black Americans are incarcerated in numbers far beyond their proportion of the population, “they reported being more afraid of crime and more likely to support the kinds of punitive policies that exacerbate the racial disparities,” such as three-strikes or stop-and-frisk laws.

Only then does Ferguson make sense. It’s about white rage.

OK troops -- there will be a test at 0800 tomorrow.

Remember The Ferguson!!

Here's some reading lists for the JCS.

https://www.goodreads.com/author/list/3 ... lby_Steele
https://www.c-span.org/video/?431251-8/shame
https://www.c-span.org/video/?200018-1/a-bound-man

https://www.goodreads.com/author/list/2 ... mas_Sowell

https://www.goodreads.com/author/show/2 ... Woodson_Sr_

Typical Lax Dad wrote: ↑Sun Jun 27, 2021 11:29 pm Remember The Ferguson!!

Ft Sumter

old salt wrote: ↑Sun Jun 27, 2021 10:47 pm

MDlaxfan76 wrote: ↑Sun Jun 27, 2021 9:12 pm

old salt wrote: ↑Sun Jun 27, 2021 8:21 pm I don't recall all this support for Gen Milley after Jan 6th when he pointed out that the NG were not first responders & praised their rapid response.

Support?
One can critique Milley for various reasons; the question is whether one is willing to denounce a-holes like Carlson.
You're not willing to do so.

Got it.

A definition of White Rage from the professor who coined the term :
https://www.vox.com/22243875/white-rage ... ationalism
“White rage is the operational function of white supremacy. It is the fear of a multicultural democracy. It is predicated on a sense that only whites are legitimate Americans,”

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions ... story.html

Ferguson isn’t about black rage against cops. It’s white rage against progress.

By Carol AndersonAugust 29, 2014
Carol Anderson is an associate professor of African American studies and history at Emory University and a public voices fellow with the Op-Ed Project. She is the author of “Bourgeois Radicals: The NAACP and the Struggle for Colonial Liberation, 1941-1960.”

When we look back on what happened in Ferguson, Mo., during the summer of 2014, it will be easy to think of it as yet one more episode of black rage ignited by yet another police killing of an unarmed African American male. But that has it precisely backward. What we’ve actually seen is the latest outbreak of white rage. Sure, it is cloaked in the niceties of law and order, but it is rage nonetheless.

Protests and looting naturally capture attention. But the real rage smolders in meetings where officials redraw precincts to dilute African American voting strength or seek to slash the government payrolls that have long served as sources of black employment. It goes virtually unnoticed, however, because white rage doesn’t have to take to the streets and face rubber bullets to be heard. Instead, white rage carries an aura of respectability and has access to the courts, police, legislatures and governors, who cast its efforts as noble, though they are actually driven by the most ignoble motivations.

White rage recurs in American history. It exploded after the Civil War, erupted again to undermine the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision and took on its latest incarnation with Barack Obama’s ascent to the White House. For every action of African American advancement, there’s a reaction, a backlash.

The North’s victory in the Civil War did not bring peace. Instead, emancipation brought white resentment that the good ol’ days of black subjugation were over. Legislatures throughout the South scrambled to reinscribe white supremacy and restore the aura of legitimacy that the anti-slavery campaign had tarnished. Lawmakers in several states created the Black Codes, which effectively criminalized blackness, sanctioned forced labor and undermined every tenet of democracy. Even the federal authorities’ promise of 40 acres — land seized from traitors who had tried to destroy the United States of America — crumbled like dust.

Influential white legislators such as Rep. Thaddeus Stevens (R-Pa.) and Sen. Charles Sumner (R-Mass.)tried to make this nation live its creed, but they were no match for the swelling resentment that neutralized the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments, and welcomed the Supreme Court’s 1876 United States vs. Cruikshank decision, which undercut a law aimed at stopping the terror of the Ku Klux Klan.

Nearly 80years later, Brown v. Board of Education seemed like another moment of triumph — with the ruling on the unconstitutionality of separate public schools for black and white students affirming African Americans’ rights as citizens. But black children, hungry for quality education, ran headlong into more white rage. Bricks and mobs at school doors were only the most obvious signs. In March 1956, 101members of Congress issued the Southern Manifesto, declaring war on the Brown decision. Governors in Virginia, Arkansas, Alabama, Georgia and elsewhere then launched “massive resistance.” They created a legal doctrine, interposition, that supposedly nullified any federal law or court decision with which a state disagreed. They passed legislation to withhold public funding from any school that abided by Brown. They shut down public school systems and used tax dollars to ensure that whites could continue their education at racially exclusive private academies. Black children were left to rot with no viable option.

A little more than half a century after Brown, the election of Obama gave hope to the country and the world that a new racial climate had emerged in America, or that it would. But such audacious hopes would be short-lived. A rash of voter-suppression legislation, a series of unfathomable Supreme Court decisions, the rise of stand-your-ground laws and continuing police brutality make clear that Obama’s election and reelection have unleashed yet another wave of fear and anger.

It’s more subtle — less overtly racist — than in 1865 or even 1954. It’s a remake of the Southern Strategy, crafted in the wake of the civil rights movement to exploit white resentment against African Americans, and deployed with precision by Presidents Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan. As Reagan’s key political strategist, Lee Atwater, explained in a 1981 interview: “You start out in 1954 by saying, ‘N-----, n-----, n-----.’ By 1968 you can’t say ‘n-----’ — that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like ‘forced busing,’ ‘states’ rights’ and all that stuff. You’re getting so abstract now you’re talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you’re talking about are totally economic things, and a byproduct of them is blacks get hurt worse than whites. And subconsciously maybe that is part of it. I’m not saying that.” (The interview was originally published anonymously, and only years later did it emerge that Atwater was the subject.)

Now, under the guise of protecting the sanctity of the ballot box, conservatives have devised measures — such as photo ID requirements — to block African Americans’ access to the polls. A joint report by the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund and the NAACP emphasized that the ID requirements would adversely affect more than 6 million African American voters. (Twenty-five percent of black Americans lack a government-issued photo ID, the report noted, compared with only 8 percent of white Americans.) The Supreme Court sanctioned this discrimination in Shelby County v. Holder , which gutted the Voting Rights Act and opened the door to 21st-century versions of 19th-century literacy tests and poll taxes.

The economic devastation of the Great Recession also shows African Americans under siege. The foreclosure crisis hit black Americans harder than any other group in the United States. A 2013report by researchers at Brandeis University calculated that “half the collective wealth of African-American families was stripped away during the Great Recession,” in large part because of the impact on home equity. In the process, the wealth gap between blacks and whites grew: Right before the recession, white Americans had four times more wealth than black Americans, on average; by 2010, the gap had increased to six times. This was a targeted hit. Communities of color were far more likely to have riskier, higher-interest-rate loans than white communities, with good credit scores often making no difference.

Add to this the tea party movement’s assault on so-called Big Government, which despite the sanitized language of fiscal responsibility constitutes an attack on African American jobs. Public-sector employment, where there is less discrimination in hiring and pay, has traditionally been an important venue for creating a black middle class.

So when you think of Ferguson, don’t just think of black resentment at a criminal justice system that allows a white police officer to put six bullets into an unarmed black teen. Consider the economic dislocation of black America. Remember a Florida judge instructing a jury to focus only on the moment when George Zimmerman and Trayvon Martin interacted, thus transforming a 17-year-old, unarmed kid into a big, scary black guy, while the grown man who stalked him through the neighborhood with a loaded gun becomes a victim. Remember the assault on the Voting Rights Act. Look at Connick v. Thompson, a partisan 5-4 Supreme Court decision in 2011 that ruled it was legal for a city prosecutor’s staff to hide evidence that exonerated a black man who was rotting on death row for 14years. And think of a recent study by Stanford University psychology researchers concluding that, when white people were told that black Americans are incarcerated in numbers far beyond their proportion of the population, “they reported being more afraid of crime and more likely to support the kinds of punitive policies that exacerbate the racial disparities,” such as three-strikes or stop-and-frisk laws.

Only then does Ferguson make sense. It’s about white rage.

OK troops -- there will be a test at 0800 tomorrow.

And yet you can't denounce Carlson. Got it.

old salt wrote: ↑Mon Jun 28, 2021 2:11 am

Typical Lax Dad wrote: ↑Sun Jun 27, 2021 11:29 pm Remember The Ferguson!!

Ft Sumter

The only Michael Brown I know played lacrosse. Remember The Ferguson!

MDlaxfan76 wrote: ↑Mon Jun 28, 2021 7:30 am

old salt wrote: ↑Sun Jun 27, 2021 10:47 pm

MDlaxfan76 wrote: ↑Sun Jun 27, 2021 9:12 pm

old salt wrote: ↑Sun Jun 27, 2021 8:21 pm I don't recall all this support for Gen Milley after Jan 6th when he pointed out that the NG were not first responders & praised their rapid response.

Support?
One can critique Milley for various reasons; the question is whether one is willing to denounce a-holes like Carlson.
You're not willing to do so.

Got it.

A definition of White Rage from the professor who coined the term :
https://www.vox.com/22243875/white-rage ... ationalism
“White rage is the operational function of white supremacy. It is the fear of a multicultural democracy. It is predicated on a sense that only whites are legitimate Americans,”

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions ... story.html

Ferguson isn’t about black rage against cops. It’s white rage against progress.

By Carol AndersonAugust 29, 2014
Carol Anderson is an associate professor of African American studies and history at Emory University and a public voices fellow with the Op-Ed Project. She is the author of “Bourgeois Radicals: The NAACP and the Struggle for Colonial Liberation, 1941-1960.”

When we look back on what happened in Ferguson, Mo., during the summer of 2014, it will be easy to think of it as yet one more episode of black rage ignited by yet another police killing of an unarmed African American male. But that has it precisely backward. What we’ve actually seen is the latest outbreak of white rage. Sure, it is cloaked in the niceties of law and order, but it is rage nonetheless.

Protests and looting naturally capture attention. But the real rage smolders in meetings where officials redraw precincts to dilute African American voting strength or seek to slash the government payrolls that have long served as sources of black employment. It goes virtually unnoticed, however, because white rage doesn’t have to take to the streets and face rubber bullets to be heard. Instead, white rage carries an aura of respectability and has access to the courts, police, legislatures and governors, who cast its efforts as noble, though they are actually driven by the most ignoble motivations.

White rage recurs in American history. It exploded after the Civil War, erupted again to undermine the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision and took on its latest incarnation with Barack Obama’s ascent to the White House. For every action of African American advancement, there’s a reaction, a backlash.

The North’s victory in the Civil War did not bring peace. Instead, emancipation brought white resentment that the good ol’ days of black subjugation were over. Legislatures throughout the South scrambled to reinscribe white supremacy and restore the aura of legitimacy that the anti-slavery campaign had tarnished. Lawmakers in several states created the Black Codes, which effectively criminalized blackness, sanctioned forced labor and undermined every tenet of democracy. Even the federal authorities’ promise of 40 acres — land seized from traitors who had tried to destroy the United States of America — crumbled like dust.

Influential white legislators such as Rep. Thaddeus Stevens (R-Pa.) and Sen. Charles Sumner (R-Mass.)tried to make this nation live its creed, but they were no match for the swelling resentment that neutralized the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments, and welcomed the Supreme Court’s 1876 United States vs. Cruikshank decision, which undercut a law aimed at stopping the terror of the Ku Klux Klan.

Nearly 80years later, Brown v. Board of Education seemed like another moment of triumph — with the ruling on the unconstitutionality of separate public schools for black and white students affirming African Americans’ rights as citizens. But black children, hungry for quality education, ran headlong into more white rage. Bricks and mobs at school doors were only the most obvious signs. In March 1956, 101members of Congress issued the Southern Manifesto, declaring war on the Brown decision. Governors in Virginia, Arkansas, Alabama, Georgia and elsewhere then launched “massive resistance.” They created a legal doctrine, interposition, that supposedly nullified any federal law or court decision with which a state disagreed. They passed legislation to withhold public funding from any school that abided by Brown. They shut down public school systems and used tax dollars to ensure that whites could continue their education at racially exclusive private academies. Black children were left to rot with no viable option.

A little more than half a century after Brown, the election of Obama gave hope to the country and the world that a new racial climate had emerged in America, or that it would. But such audacious hopes would be short-lived. A rash of voter-suppression legislation, a series of unfathomable Supreme Court decisions, the rise of stand-your-ground laws and continuing police brutality make clear that Obama’s election and reelection have unleashed yet another wave of fear and anger.

It’s more subtle — less overtly racist — than in 1865 or even 1954. It’s a remake of the Southern Strategy, crafted in the wake of the civil rights movement to exploit white resentment against African Americans, and deployed with precision by Presidents Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan. As Reagan’s key political strategist, Lee Atwater, explained in a 1981 interview: “You start out in 1954 by saying, ‘N-----, n-----, n-----.’ By 1968 you can’t say ‘n-----’ — that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like ‘forced busing,’ ‘states’ rights’ and all that stuff. You’re getting so abstract now you’re talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you’re talking about are totally economic things, and a byproduct of them is blacks get hurt worse than whites. And subconsciously maybe that is part of it. I’m not saying that.” (The interview was originally published anonymously, and only years later did it emerge that Atwater was the subject.)

Now, under the guise of protecting the sanctity of the ballot box, conservatives have devised measures — such as photo ID requirements — to block African Americans’ access to the polls. A joint report by the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund and the NAACP emphasized that the ID requirements would adversely affect more than 6 million African American voters. (Twenty-five percent of black Americans lack a government-issued photo ID, the report noted, compared with only 8 percent of white Americans.) The Supreme Court sanctioned this discrimination in Shelby County v. Holder , which gutted the Voting Rights Act and opened the door to 21st-century versions of 19th-century literacy tests and poll taxes.

The economic devastation of the Great Recession also shows African Americans under siege. The foreclosure crisis hit black Americans harder than any other group in the United States. A 2013report by researchers at Brandeis University calculated that “half the collective wealth of African-American families was stripped away during the Great Recession,” in large part because of the impact on home equity. In the process, the wealth gap between blacks and whites grew: Right before the recession, white Americans had four times more wealth than black Americans, on average; by 2010, the gap had increased to six times. This was a targeted hit. Communities of color were far more likely to have riskier, higher-interest-rate loans than white communities, with good credit scores often making no difference.

Add to this the tea party movement’s assault on so-called Big Government, which despite the sanitized language of fiscal responsibility constitutes an attack on African American jobs. Public-sector employment, where there is less discrimination in hiring and pay, has traditionally been an important venue for creating a black middle class.

So when you think of Ferguson, don’t just think of black resentment at a criminal justice system that allows a white police officer to put six bullets into an unarmed black teen. Consider the economic dislocation of black America. Remember a Florida judge instructing a jury to focus only on the moment when George Zimmerman and Trayvon Martin interacted, thus transforming a 17-year-old, unarmed kid into a big, scary black guy, while the grown man who stalked him through the neighborhood with a loaded gun becomes a victim. Remember the assault on the Voting Rights Act. Look at Connick v. Thompson, a partisan 5-4 Supreme Court decision in 2011 that ruled it was legal for a city prosecutor’s staff to hide evidence that exonerated a black man who was rotting on death row for 14years. And think of a recent study by Stanford University psychology researchers concluding that, when white people were told that black Americans are incarcerated in numbers far beyond their proportion of the population, “they reported being more afraid of crime and more likely to support the kinds of punitive policies that exacerbate the racial disparities,” such as three-strikes or stop-and-frisk laws.

Only then does Ferguson make sense. It’s about white rage.

OK troops -- there will be a test at 0800 tomorrow.

And yet you can't denounce Carlson. Got it.

Did Salty ever demand that MD denounce Antifa, AOC, Kamala, or really anyone, in exchange for discussing someone else?

That's the trouble with being such a Trump (and his supporters)-hater. Everything/anything else, is viewed through an anything is better than Trump or the end justifies the means filter.

And walking into the middle of a conversation intentionally avoiding the original context is something the mind of a juvenile would do (or intentionally corrosive agent to any community they participate in-I think we know which it is for one person and which it is for the other)

Juvenile? Aren't you the self-proclaimed, low-EQ, risk-taker?

BTW, how many aliases do you go by on this board?

Ha ha ha ha ha ha ha ha ha

What an effective tool to show passive aggression. I have one so you must be projecting man with one foot in the grave and anachronistic angry view of the world.

tech37 wrote: ↑Mon Jun 28, 2021 8:04 am That's the trouble with being such a Trump (and his supporters)-hater. Everything/anything else, is viewed through an anything is better than Trump or the end justifies the means filter.

TDS excuses the infected from ever calmly deliberating policy or admitting that it’s they who hate their own lives.

Just a question... you seem quite defensive... certainly juvenile, low-EQ, and angry with your reply. No surprise there.

tech37 wrote: ↑Mon Jun 28, 2021 8:04 am That's the trouble with being such a Trump (and his supporters)-hater. Everything/anything else, is viewed through an anything is better than Trump or the end justifies the means filter.

tech, I'll take your comment seriously, though you may not take mine that way.

I do detest Trump and Trumpism. Unabashedly.

However, what concerns me most is what I was writing about in 2015 and 2016 as this movement took root and we saw conservative principles sacrificed to the cult of personality and white resentment, with increasing frequency and range of impact.

It was apparent, even then, that there were Russian influences in this movement. I have nothing against Russia per se, but Putin's style of authoritarianism and his use of asymmetric methods to undermine the credibility of democratic institutions was clearly an issue. We've seen other authoritarians do similar, (and China is ultimately a bigger strategic challenge) but Putin's efforts have been the most consistently egregious by a foreign adversary, not just here in the US but around the world with other democracies.

But more important than Putin's efforts, what alarmed me was the willingness of so many in the supposed 'conservative' ranks to embrace such authoritarianism and demonization of the 'other'. There's always been this strain in America, but it was being given license in ways that had not previously been beyond the fringe.

Yes, by candidate, then POTUS, now twice impeached former POTUS, Trump, but also by the right wing media voices, ranging from Rush to Hannity and all sorts of others sipping on the bandwagon of white fear and resentment, inciting such to anger and ultimately violence.

So, when I ask whether an incredibly offensive, egregiously stupid, attack on the (Trump-appointed) Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff by one of the leading media pundits on the 'right' can be full-throatedly denounced by a fellow poster, a retired military officer himself, I'm addressing that core issue.

At what point, do we say "sir, do you have no shame"?

Apparently not from Salty.
That's the cult.

How about you, tech..can you full throatedly denounce Carlson?